Almost three years since Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov was subjected to state terror

Almost three years ago, on May 22, 2022, in Khorog, popular leader Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov was killed. The Tajik authorities described his murder as “the result of internal conflicts.” However, those close to Mamadbokir are convinced that it was an act of state terror carried out by Tajikistan’s security services.

Mamadboqir Mamadboqirov

Sources from Pamir Daily News reported that after Mamadbokirov’s killing, a drone hovered over his body for several minutes, recording the process of his murder and death. “Later, this footage was personally shown to Emomali Rahmon by Abdurahmon Alamshohzoda (Buzmakov), for which he was later rewarded and promoted in rank,” a source in Tajikistan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs stated.

A few days after the death of Colonel Mamadbokirov, Radio Ozodi published an article about his portrait. We have decided to republish this material.

Who was actually Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov?

The 59-year-old retired colonel of Tajikistan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS) Border Service, Mamadbokirov—known to the people simply as Bokir—never officially expressed political ambitions. However, his influence on events in GBAO and his level of public recognition were something many deputies and governors in Tajikistan could only envy.

The secret behind such "political" success is explained differently by various sides. Law enforcement agencies, in their reports dating back to 2012, consistently described Mamadbokirov as the leader of a criminal organization in the Barhorog neighborhood. They claimed he had access to a large arsenal of weapons and was involved in banditry, kidnappings, organizing unrest, and even murder and rape.

According to information published on pages affiliated with Tajikistan’s security services, between 1995 and 2022, 34 criminal cases were opened against Mamadbokirov. However, despite this, Bokir not only remained "afloat" but also enjoyed significant authority within society.

His close associates insist that he was a tough but not cruel man, incapable of murder or other serious crimes, and that the publications against him were an attempt to tarnish his name in the eyes of the public. They note that his conflicts primarily arose with representatives of the region’s security forces. However, because his authority was unquestionable—especially among the youth—security officials often tried to avoid direct confrontation with him to prevent escalating tensions.

From Tavildara to Murghab

In the 1990s, Mamadbokir actively participated in combat operations in the Tavildara region as part of the armed forces of the United Tajik Opposition (UTO). After the peace agreement between the UTO and the Tajik government was signed in 1997, he was granted the rank of colonel and appointed commander of a border unit in the Murghab district, near the borders with China and Kyrgyzstan.

"When Russian troops began withdrawing from the border areas of GBAO, many Tajik military personnel were in a state of confusion. There was no prior experience in independently guarding the border, maintaining units, and so on. The system started to fail in many places. And at that moment, Bokir unexpectedly proved himself to be an effective and strong-willed leader. Despite the difficult times, he found the means and opportunities to turn his unit into one of the most exemplary," says a close friend of Mamadbokirov.

According to him, Mamadbokirov continued to support his soldiers even after their service, regardless of their regional background. He helped them find employment, arranged their weddings, and assisted with other personal matters, which further strengthened his authority among young people.

"I spent eight difficult years defending Tajikistan’s state border. My unit was considered one of the most advanced, but I was dismissed without any justification. The reason was that I put some officials in a tough spot when I intercepted 730 kg of heroin in 2007. After that, they declared me an enemy," Mamadbokirov said in an interview with Radio Ozodi in 2012.

A Soldier in Civilian Clothes

According to a close relative, Mamadbokir began to become more politically engaged after leaving the army. It was during this time that his conflicts with the authorities began. "He was very emotional and outspoken. In the heat of the moment, he could act impulsively and even offend those closest to him, but later he would reflect on his actions, come to his senses, and apologize," his relative recalls.

He notes that in the mid-1980s, Mamadbokirov assaulted a foreign student from Afghanistan in Dushanbe after a fellow compatriot of his filed a complaint against the student. As a result, the court sentenced him to four years in a penal colony.

In 2018, informal leaders of GBAO signed protocols acknowledging an official warning to refrain from illegal activities. Following this, they were invited to the capital and taken on a tour of other regions of Tajikistan. Mamadbokirov, however, officially refused the security forces' invitation.

"In recent years, he felt immense pressure. On one hand, the authorities were tightening their grip, and on the other, people were coming to him, complaining about the lawlessness of the security forces. Fully aware of the dangers, he felt compelled to respond and engage in conflicts because he sensed a responsibility," says one of Mamadbokir's close associates.

He notes that Bokir's financial situation was far from ideal. He lived off a herd of yaks he had left in Murghab and drove an old Opel Zafira.

"Deployed security officers were often surprised when they realized that the rumors about Bokir's immense wealth were just a myth and that he was just an ordinary citizen who openly voiced his position," our source notes.

"Mamadbokir as a Product of His Time"

Opposition politician and former close associate of Mamadbokirov, Alim Sherzamonov, says that "the authorities mistakenly believe that the region's problems stemmed from Mamadbokir."

"They genuinely think that people in all regions are the same and that since their methods worked elsewhere, they will work in GBAO too. But there are objective factors in social development. We joined Tajikistan in 1929. Before that, the region had never in its history been incorporated into any state in such a unitary manner—it had always maintained autonomy in governance," Sherzamonov explains.

"In this society, people were equal, and even peasants could address the emir’s governor informally as ‘you’ (ты), simply because there was no other form of address in their languages, and there still isn’t. This is neither good nor bad—it’s a mentality shaped by the region’s economic development. Bowing and diplomacy emerge where the economy and industry develop, as material conditions shape consciousness. For this reason, for example, the mentality in Pamir and Khujand will remain different for at least the next hundred years," Sherzamonov believes.

In such a society, he says, there will always be a demand for figures like Mamadbokir, who over time evolve into a kind of informal authority.

Article Originally Published at Radio Ozodi in Russian, it is republished for further desimination.