Pamiri Persecution
In the Shadows of the Pamirs: A Minority Under Siege in Tajikistan
KHOROG, Tajikistan — In the remote highlands of eastern Tajikistan lies the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO), home to the Pamiri people—a distinct ethnic group with unique languages, cultural practices, and a deep-rooted adherence to the Shia Ismaili branch of Islam. Despite their rich heritage, the Pamiris have long faced systemic discrimination and repression, a plight that has intensified in recent years.
History
The Pamiris are an Eastern Iranian ethnic group indigenous to the rugged, mountainous terrain of Tajikistan’s Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO). The region, which comprises nearly 45% of Tajikistan’s landmass but is home to less than 3% of its population, has historically remained isolated due to its geography. This isolation has allowed the Pamiris to preserve their unique cultural, linguistic, and religious heritage despite centuries of political shifts in Central Asia. Unlike the majority of Tajikistan’s population, which speaks Tajik—a language closely related to Persian—the Pamiris speak a variety of Eastern Iranian languages, including Shughni, Rushani, Wakhi, Bartangi, Yazgulyami, and Ishkashimi. These languages are not mutually intelligible with Tajik and are part of a broader linguistic family that has largely disappeared in other parts of the region. However, due to decades of political marginalization, many younger Pamiris have been pressured to adopt Tajik as their primary language, contributing to concerns about language endangerment.
Religiously, the Pamiris belong predominantly to the Shia Ismaili branch of Islam, following the spiritual leadership of the Aga Khan. This distinguishes them from the Sunni Muslim majority in Tajikistan and has historically made them a target of suspicion, particularly from nationalist and religiously conservative factions within the country. During the Soviet period, Ismaili religious practices were heavily restricted, with many religious sites and educational institutions being shut down. However, unlike other religious groups that were suppressed under Soviet rule, the Pamiris maintained their faith largely through underground networks and oral traditions. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed for a religious and cultural revival, but this resurgence was met with resistance from the central government, which has long viewed the Pamiris as an ethnoreligious outlier. Throughout history, the Pamiris have referred to themselves as Badakhshani or Pomir, reinforcing a distinct identity that continues to shape their resistance against state-led assimilation efforts.
Soviet Era and the Seeds of Marginalization
Under Soviet rule, the Pamiris were subjected to a state-driven policy of cultural homogenization aimed at consolidating various ethnic groups under a unified Soviet identity. One of the most significant ways this was enforced was through the official classification of the Pamiris as “Mountain Tajiks,” effectively erasing their distinct ethnic identity from official records. The Soviet regime sought to integrate them into the broader Tajik national identity, despite their linguistic and religious differences. Pamiri languages, which belong to the Eastern Iranian branch, were not recognized in educational institutions or public life, with Tajik being imposed as the primary language of instruction. Similarly, Ismaili religious practices were heavily restricted, as the Soviet Union’s atheistic policies sought to suppress religious expression across all faiths. The central government in Dushanbe, aligned with Soviet policies, treated the Pamiri identity as a regional variation rather than a separate ethnic group. This forced assimilation led to the gradual decline of cultural markers such as language use, religious institutions, and local governance structures that had existed for centuries.
Economically and politically, the Pamiris remained marginalized throughout the Soviet period. While the Soviet government invested heavily in industrial and agricultural development across much of Central Asia, the Gorno-Badakhshan region remained largely underdeveloped. The Pamiris had limited representation in government positions, and those who did rise in rank were often expected to suppress their cultural identity in favor of the broader Soviet identity. Although Soviet rule did bring some infrastructure to the region—such as roads, schools, and limited medical facilities—these improvements were minimal compared to the investments made in other parts of Tajikistan. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Pamiris had hoped for greater recognition and autonomy, but the newly independent Tajik government continued many of the same marginalization policies. Instead of embracing cultural diversity, the post-Soviet state reinforced its narrative of a unified Tajik identity, leaving the Pamiris politically sidelined and socially ostracized. This neglect and erasure would later contribute to the eruption of violence and political tensions between the central government and Pamiri leaders.
The Tajikistani Civil War and Its Aftermath
The Tajikistani Civil War (1992–1997) was a brutal conflict that emerged in the power vacuum left by the collapse of the Soviet Union, plunging the newly independent state into chaos. The war was fought between forces loyal to the government, led by Emomali Rahmon, and a coalition of opposition groups, including Islamists, democrats, and regional factions. Among the most active groups in this opposition were the Pamiris, who, along with other marginalized communities, fought against what they saw as an exclusionary state dominated by elites from the Kulyab region. The Pamiris' involvement in the conflict was not merely ideological but also a means of self-preservation. The war saw ethnic and regional divisions deepen, with the central government and its allies increasingly viewing Pamiris as a threat to state unity. Throughout the conflict, reports surfaced of targeted violence against Pamiri civilians, including forced displacements and mass executions, particularly in Dushanbe and surrounding areas, where Pamiris had been singled out for their perceived support of the opposition.
When the war ended with the 1997 peace accords, which promised power-sharing and reconciliation, many hoped that the Pamiris and other opposition groups would gain political representation. However, these promises were systematically dismantled as Rahmon consolidated power, sidelining former opposition figures and purging Pamiris from government positions. In the years following the war, Pamiri communities faced intensified repression, with the government tightening its grip over GBAO through increased militarization and surveillance. Any remaining opposition figures were either forced into exile, arrested, or assassinated under ambiguous circumstances. Economic marginalization further deepened as investment and development projects disproportionately favored regions loyal to the government, leaving GBAO in relative stagnation. Over time, Rahmon’s administration framed Pamiri identity and activism as a security threat, justifying continued crackdowns under the guise of maintaining national stability. This post-war environment not only entrenched the Pamiris' exclusion from political life but also set the stage for further violent confrontations in the decades to come.
Escalation of Repression
In July 2012, tensions in Gorno-Badakhshan erupted after the assassination of Major-General Abdullo Nazarov, the regional head of the Tajik national intelligence agency. The government immediately blamed Tolib Ayombekov, a former opposition commander, and used the incident as a pretext to launch a large-scale military operation in Khorog, the regional capital. Under the guise of pursuing those responsible, the government deployed over 800 troops, heavily armed with armored vehicles, helicopter gunships, and heavy artillery, effectively placing the region under siege. This disproportionate show of force led to intense clashes, with reports indicating at least 42 people were killed, including soldiers and local Pamiris, though independent sources suggested the actual death toll was much higher. Civilians were caught in the crossfire as homes were raided, communication networks were cut off, and residents were subjected to arbitrary detentions and harassment. The operation failed to bring the region under full government control, as fierce local resistance forced authorities to negotiate a ceasefire and withdraw some of their forces. However, this marked the beginning of a new phase of repression, where Pamiri activists and leaders were increasingly targeted under the guise of maintaining national security.
From 2012 onwards, the government escalated its campaign of intimidation in GBAO. Protests erupted in 2014, 2018, and 2021, each time in response to police brutality, economic marginalization, and increasing government surveillance in the region. These demonstrations were met with violent crackdowns, including mass arrests, beatings, and the deployment of additional security forces to Khorog. The state’s failure to establish lasting control over the region despite its continuous militarization efforts reflected the deep-seated resistance of the Pamiri people, who viewed these actions as deliberate attempts to erode their autonomy and suppress their identity. The growing resentment set the stage for the 2021–2022 crisis, which saw the most violent and sustained repression of Pamiris in recent history.
The long-standing tensions between the Pamiri population and the Tajik central government reached a breaking point in November 2021, when security forces killed Gulbiddin Ziyobekov, a 29-year-old Pamiri man. While government sources claimed Ziyobekov was shot during an attempted arrest following accusations of violence against a local prosecutor, human rights organizations and independent reports suggest he was unarmed and executed without due process. His death ignited widespread outrage in Khorog, the regional capital of GBAO, where thousands of Pamiris took to the streets demanding justice. The protests, largely peaceful at their outset, were met with excessive force by the government, with security forces using live ammunition to disperse demonstrators. Reports indicate that several protesters were killed, and many others were injured, as authorities moved swiftly to quash any signs of dissent. The internet in the region was cut off almost immediately—a tactic that has since become a common strategy by the Tajik government to prevent the spread of information and suppress coordination among activists.
As tensions remained high into 2022, another wave of repression followed in May, when peaceful protests in Khorog and the nearby town of Rushan were met with extreme violence. Residents, frustrated by the government's failure to hold security forces accountable for previous killings, demanded an independent investigation, but instead, authorities escalated their crackdown. The military deployed armored vehicles and heavy weaponry into GBAO, conducting raids on homes, detaining activists, and firing indiscriminately at demonstrators. Among those killed was Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov, a well-known informal leader and former warlord from the Tajikistani Civil War, who had long been at odds with the central government. Though officials claimed he died in an armed confrontation, many locals believe his death was a targeted assassination aimed at eliminating a prominent voice of Pamiri resistance. The violence left dozens dead, with Amnesty International and other watchdog groups warning that the government's actions amounted to extrajudicial killings and collective punishment.
In the weeks that followed, the crackdown extended beyond street protests to mass arrests and secret trials. More than 200 human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society activists were detained under vague charges such as “inciting unrest” and “threatening national security.” Among the most prominent figures arrested were Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva, a respected journalist and activist, and Manuchehr Kholiqnazarov, a human rights lawyer who had been advocating for the release of political prisoners. Both were sentenced to lengthy prison terms in closed-door trials, with no access to legal representation or due process. The arrests sent a chilling message to the Pamiri population—any form of activism, even peaceful, would be met with severe consequences. With security forces firmly in control and international attention largely absent, the Tajik government continued to militarize the region, effectively turning GBAO into an occupied territory where arbitrary detentions, disappearances, and torture became routine.
Systemic Discrimination and Cultural Suppression
The marginalization of the Pamiri people extends far beyond military crackdowns and arrests—it is embedded in the very structure of Tajikistan’s governance. One of the most significant aspects of this systemic discrimination is the suppression of Pamiri languages, which are not officially recognized and are absent from state-run education, media, and public administration. While Tajik is promoted as the national language, Pamiri students are often forced to abandon their native languages in favor of Tajik, leading to a steady erosion of their linguistic heritage. The government also imposes restrictions on Ismaili religious institutions, limiting their ability to operate freely and forcing the closure of some community centers. Religious leaders affiliated with the Aga Khan network have been increasingly scrutinized, and the state has attempted to sever links between Pamiris and the Aga Khan Foundation, which has historically provided crucial social and economic support to the region. These restrictions reflect a broader strategy aimed at cultural assimilation—dismantling the distinct identity of the Pamiris and forcing them to conform to the dominant national narrative.
The economic disparities between Gorno-Badakhshan and the rest of Tajikistan further reinforce the region’s marginalization. Despite its vast natural resources and strategic location, GBAO receives little government investment, and its infrastructure lags behind other regions. The lack of job opportunities forces many Pamiris to migrate for work, primarily to Russia, making them economically dependent on remittances rather than state-driven development. The few government positions available in the region are overwhelmingly filled by non-Pamiris, while Pamiris themselves face exclusion from key decision-making roles at the national level. The government’s reluctance to invest in local industries or improve public services has led to a sense of deliberate economic strangulation, where underdevelopment is used as a tool of control. Coupled with the militarization of the region and constant surveillance, this economic and political exclusion leaves Pamiris with few avenues to assert their rights, deepening the divide between the community and the state.
International Response and the Path Forward
The international community has largely overlooked this human rights crisis. Organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have issued reports condemning the Tajik government’s actions, but beyond isolated statements, there has been little tangible international pressure on Dushanbe to address these violations. Western governments and international bodies, including the United Nations and the European Union, have prioritized security cooperation with Tajikistan over human rights concerns, particularly in the context of counterterrorism efforts and border security with Afghanistan. The Tajik government has strategically framed its repression in GBAO as an anti-terror operation, a narrative that has allowed it to avoid significant consequences from foreign allies. Meanwhile, regional powers like Russia and China, both of whom have strategic and economic interests in Tajikistan, have remained silent or complicit, further emboldening the Rahmon regime. With Tajikistan heavily reliant on foreign aid and development assistance, particularly from international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, there exists a clear opportunity for leverage—but so far, this has not been exercised in favor of the Pamiri people.
As the world remains largely silent, the Pamiris continue to endure systemic discrimination and repression. Their cultural and religious institutions are under threat, their region is increasingly militarized, and their leaders and activists face arbitrary imprisonment and persecution. The absence of media coverage and restricted access to independent reporting make it even easier for the government to control the narrative and suppress information about ongoing abuses. The lack of international intervention also contributes to a growing sense of hopelessness among Pamiris, many of whom seek refuge abroad, further accelerating the erasure of their presence within their homeland.
Despite these grim realities, Pamiris continue to resist in ways both large and small. From underground activism and international advocacy to preserving their language and cultural traditions, the community remains determined to survive despite efforts to erase them. However, without a concerted effort from international human rights organizations, foreign governments, and the global Pamiri diaspora, the repression is likely to intensify. It is imperative that diplomatic pressure, targeted sanctions, and international legal mechanisms are used to hold the Tajik government accountable. At stake is not just the future of an ethnic minority, but the fundamental question of whether authoritarian regimes can continue to suppress entire communities with impunity in the modern era.
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